Adam Wandruszka: uno storico fra Austria e Italia?/ Adam Wandruszka: ein Historiker zwischen Österreich und Italien
«Ancora attuale dopo quattro decenni». Adam Wandruszka e la monarchia asburgica
Federico Wanga e il «Codex Wangianus» / Federico Wanga und der «Codex Wangianus»
Due guerre dimenticate. Il Baltico e la campagna italiana di Russia / Zwei vergessene Kriege. Das Baltikum und der italienische Beitrag zum Krieg gegen die Sowjetunion
Davide Artico - Posnania 1894-1934: un quarantennio di conflitti fra «germanità» e «polonità»
Starting with the second half of the 1890’s, germanization policies were undertaken in such regions of the German Reich as Posen and Western Prussia. Germanization of the areas was to be achieved mainly through the redefinition of land ownership. To that purpose, free leases on rural property were granted on a lifelong basis to German nationals willing to establish farms in the area. After World War I, Germany was compelled to acknowledge the independence of Poland and surrender over four and a half million hectares with a population of nearly four million. Posen was the theater of an insurrection of democratic-oriented Polish forces, which were soon overwhelmed by nationalist activists from mainland Poland. As a result, an armed reaction by German militarists was unleashed. Fighting continued through 1919, and the final annexation of Posen by Poland only took place in January 1920. The rights of the German minority in interwar Poland were to be granted by the League of Nations, yet tensions did not actually wane until a nonaggression pact was signed between Poland and Nazi Germany in 1934. Between 1919 and 1929, over 750,000 German nationals were compelled to leave Posen and move to other German areas.
Giovanni Ciappelli - Comunicazione politica e opinione pubblica nel Rinascimento: esempi e considerazioni
Political communication and public opinion are themes that were vividly brought to the historians’ attention both by the «Cambridge school» of political thought and Jürgen Habermas’ book on Öffentlichkeit. While this last author ascribes the emergence of a «public sphere» to the late 18th century, other scholars see evidence of its existence also earlier, in a sufficient circulation of «political information». By considering practices rather than theories, this paper investigates whether the Renaissance knew a public opinion. After a survey of the possible forms of political communication at the time, it focuses on the example of Florence, especially in the Savonarolian period, in order to assess forms and the diffusion of propaganda and political dissent. An embryonic presence of public opinion can definitely be made out, but the circulation of more ample and certain – more «modern» – information is still missing; this will become available only later on.
Giovanna D’Amico - Le leggi di restituzione e di indennizzo dei beni ai perseguitati dei fascismi nella Repubblica Federale Tedesca, in Austria, Italia e Francia
This essay focuses on the restitution of goods robbed from victims of the different European Fascist dictatorships and deals with the problem of their return to Germany, Austria, France, and Italy after World War II. An analysis of the laws governing this restitution shows how the countries involved dealt with their past and allows distinguishing between their assessment of German fascism and their own dictatorships. They dwelt on Nazism in greater detail than on their own fascist governments and consequently France, Austria, and Italy could see Germany as the true culprit in the past events. But allied behaviour was also significant: they seemed more impressed by Nazism and demonstrated this primarily by directly enacting laws in Germany; they did, however, put pressure on the other countries, but avoided interfering directly. What was they weight of allied influence on the laws governing the restitution of goods and on the elaboration of the past in Germany, Austria, France, and Italy? This is the problem that historiography has to solve.
Amedeo Osti Guerrazzi e Thomas Schlemmer - I soldati italiani nella campagna di Russia. Propaganda, esperienza, memoria
To Italy’s collective memory, Mussolini’s war against the Soviet Union between 1941 and 1943 is a tragic fatality – a fatality that apparently brought about the demise of the Royal Army’s elite and made victims of the soldiers in more than one way: they fell casualty to a politically and militarily incapable leadership, to a gruesome war against the Red Army, which was fought under especially grim circumstances, and to their German comrades, who were said to have betrayed their Italian allies fighting so bravely, in order to save themselves. The authors of this paper show that this interpretation of the campagna di Russia only partially mirrors the experiences of the soldiers on the Eastern Front, that it coincided with the political considerations of post-fascist political class, und that it perpetuated certain stereotypes stemming from fascist propaganda.
Valeria La Monaca - Wilhelm Henzen, Eugen Bormann, Giovan Battista Carlo Giuliari e il «Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum»: lettere inedite
In Verona, in the Biblioteca Capitolare, lie the unpublished letters sent by Wilhelm Henzen and Eugen Bormann to the librarian Giovan Battista Carlo Giuliari. This paper investigates the correspondence, which sheds new light on the role of the famous German historians in the publication of book VI of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, dedicated to the collection of the urban inscriptions and how they worked. Besides, it documents the contacts between the German and Italian culture in the middle of the 19th century and the crucial role of the city of Verona and its cultural vitality.
Brunello Mantelli - La «guerra dopo la guerra». Il Baltico meridionale tra il 1918 e il 1920
In the countries located on the eastern side of the Elba River, the Great War did not end in 1918; it went on into the twenties and acquired many different meanings. Not only the already existing states, the ones born after the collapse of the Austrian Empire or the crisis of the Russian one, and the new revolutionary and Bolshevik state fought each other, there were also ideological conflicts, i.e. a contraposition between a liberal and a Soviet model of thought. There were also national conflicts between the Baltic nationalities and the political and economical elites – the Deutschbalten (the German landlords of the Baltic countries); the Russians seemed at the same time to aim at a new expansionist policy, even if under the «red flag», and the Great Powers, first of all the ones that had won, wanted to be geopolitically hegemonic. The situation exploded when the Entente decided to use the German units located in the eastern part of the eastern boundaries of the Reich to create an anti-Bolshevik barrier. This persuaded some components of the German elite to try to take revenge – either inside or outside the national boundaries; at the same time the Baltic national movements had to cope with certain difficulties. Another consequence was the Bolshevik elite’s growing fear of encirclement. For this reason, the years from 1918-1920 had far reaching consequences that lasted for well over ten years and – one could say – up until World War II.
Massimo Rospocher - Propaganda e opinione pubblica: Giulio II nella comunicazione politica europea
The fame of Pope Julius II Della Rovere is inextricably tied to the effects of his patronage, but certainly also to his infamy as a «terrible» and «warrior» pope. Contemporary opinion about Julius II inevitably hinges on the wars waged by him, ranging from glowing praise to ferocious criticism. This paper intends to illustrate how Julius’ wars were judged, celebrated, and criticized – and consequently the pope himself – in 16th century political communication in Europe. Many traces of the discourses regarding those wars can be found in the contemporary print media intended for broad distribution: an editorial production often influenced by political power and seeking to achieve wide consensus, characterized by notably propagandistic overtones. This form of political communication was not exclusively meant for the cultural and governing elites, but for a «general public, popular by dimension and composition».
Francesca Traldi - Le tradizioni europeiste nel PSI e nella SPD (1976-1989)
From 1979 – the year the first direct elections of the European Parliament took place – to 1989 – the end of the Cold War and of that fusion of equilibriums that guaranteed the stability of the Italian political system – a Europe-oriented rhetoric and the myth of Europe were of major importance for the Italian socialist party and the German social democrats. The consolidation of a European community was actually encouraged by both parties whenever internal cohesion slackened. By way of a European identity both Craxi’s PSI and the SPD managed to build a newer, more modern image and to make an impression on their voters, overcoming internal divisions. This positive attitude towards Europe allowed Craxi to close the gap with respect to the other major European social democratic parties, overtly challenging the PCI; and it allowed the SPD to overcome growing internal rifts after its return to the opposition. It becomes clear how re-launching the process of Europeanization was functional to re-launching the PSI and the SPD in hard times. Differently put, Europe constituted one of the most efficient bonds in times of crisis, during periods of internal stability however, the European spirit was easily cast aside.
Federico Trocini - Irredentismo e patriottismo nella scelta italiana di Roberto Michels (1895-1915): un’«arcana affinità elettiva»
This essay tries to restore the persona of Roberto Michels to the complexity of an intellectual deeply involved in the events of his time. An attempt is made to reconstruct the main phases of the complex and sometimes-conflicting process that – between 1900 and 1915 – led the author of Zur Soziologie des Parteiwesens in der modernen Demokratie to a progressive identification with Italy and to his suffered decision to publicly side with the Italian claims, the day after the declaration of war against Austria. At the same time, the paper attempts to clarify how Michels’ appreciation of irredentism made him think about the possible connections between nationalism and internationalism, between war and peace, and, more in general, between democracy and the national principle. Besides throwing light on an important period of Michels’ intellectual and political biography, the text indirectly offers a reconstruction of the cultural and political relationships between Italy and Germany in the first quarter of the 20th century.
Christian Zendri - I giuristi e le streghe. A proposito del consilium «Mulier striga», attribuito a Bartolo da Sassoferrato
Not always has the juridical doctrine on the matter of witchery received all the attention it deserves. Especially the consilium «Mulier striga», falsely attributed to Bartolus de Saxoferrato, is one of the most important sources of juridical thought at the beginning of the early modern period. The traditional diffidence of the juridical and especially the canonistic tradition towards sorcery beliefs emerges clearly from it. This is reason the author of the consilium refers to so few canonical texts and mainly relies on civil sources. On the other hand, this also means that the true reasons for the battle against witches and sorcerers do not lie so much in the heretical character of witchery but rather in the radical opposition of witches to the world surrounding them. This opposition manifested itself in the observance of doctrines and ways of conduct that could possibly have been considered extravagant, but were certainly inadmissible not only socially but also juridically and politically.
Antonio Ciaralli e Emanuele Curzel - A proposito del «Codex Wangianus Minor»: appunti sulle fasi compositive ed «errata corrige»
The article begins with a discussion of the headings that accompany the documents of the Codex Wangianus Minor (the cartulary of the Church of Trento, written at the beginning of 13th century). These rubricae were written in red ink by several writers, perhaps not only by notaries. Maybe one of them could have been bishop Federico Wanga himself, who uses the first person on two occasions; the authors describe Wanga’s way of writing. Another interesting theme is the interpretation of the notes at the bottom of the pages, where someone (maybe the bishop himself) gives sharp orders about the position of the documents: for us this is of great assistance in understanding the phases of its composition. At the end, the paper contains a list of the errors found until now in the edition of the Codex Wangianus by Emanuele Curzel and Gian Maria Varanini (2007).
Gian Giacomo Fissore - Il «Codex Wangianus» nella diplomatica vescovile italiana
The publication of the Codex Wangianus is a welcome opportunity to take a new look at the construction of the manuscript especially from the point of view of its elaboration as a liber iurium, invested therefore with unusual juridical and testimonial authority. This paper investigates the possibility of interpreting the operations of reproduction and authentication of the transcribed documents as signs of a cultural elaboration that – starting with the compiler’s notary culture and expertise – might have promoted the formation of precursors to a more directly functionary-chancellery sensibility in the documentation regarding the diocese. From this point of view, the Codex Wangianus was seen as a laboratory of experiences that present themselves as important steps on the path of bureaucratic organization in the documentary production of the diocese of Trento that were to culminate in the 14th century.
Werner Maleczek - Federico Wanga, il papato e l’Impero
Federico Wanga, Bishop of Trento from 1207 to 1218, found it necessary to take into account two distinct loyalties: towards the emperor on the one hand and towards the pope on the other. He was elected in the presence of two delegates of pope Innocence III, and took part in the Fourth Lateran Council, even though it is remarkable that the cartulary of the church of Trento (the «Codex Wangianus») contains no trace of this first tie. Wanga appears rather as a bishop of the imperial Church: he was invested with temporal power by Philip of Swabia, took part in the diets of Otto IV and then Frederick II (whom he accompanied on his trip to Germany), and acted as vicar of Frederick II in southern Italy. Federico Wanga died in the Holy Land while taking part in the fifth crusade.
Josef Riedmann - La politica regionale di Federico Wanga
The strength of Federico Wanga, Bishop of Trento from 1207 to 1218, did not only lie in his ties with the universal authorities, but also in his roots: in fact, he belonged to a powerful local family that was related to the Counts of Tyrol. His governing activity was fostered by taxes he earned as landowner and especially by the revenue from mining activities. The «Codex Wangianus», the cartulary that confirms the results of his politics of buying castles and generally strengthening the diocese, elegantly testifies to these activities. He managed to rise to the challenge that he had set for himself in the preamble: he accomplished a re-evaluation of the worldly rights of his Church and – in this way – paved the way for the future development of the ecclesiastic principality.